While the Productivity Commission鈥檚 critique of the national housing agreement is justified, its faith in the market is not. The Albanese government is right to invest in building social housing.
The federal Labor government has promised to craft a and to fund , returning Canberra to a field it all but abandoned for a decade. A new Productivity Commission is scathing about current arrangements and calls for far-reaching change.
Yet some of the report鈥檚 key recommendations rest on faulty assumptions and . It relies on a misplaced belief that the market will respond to low-income households鈥 need for affordable housing. Its faith in deregulation as a cure-all is misguided.
The experience of recent decades and a wealth of research evidence instead point to the need to increase government investment in public and community housing.
The provides $1.6 billion a year in federal funding to the states and territories. It鈥檚 meant to improve Australians鈥 access to affordable and secure housing.
However, in its , the commission judges it ineffective and in need of a major shake-up.
With , low-income private renters 鈥渁re spending more on housing than they used to鈥. Some 鈥渉ave little income left after paying their rent鈥. Almost one in four have less than $36 a day for other essentials.
The supply of social housing 鈥 with rents capped at 25% of tenant income 鈥 . Waiting lists . Many more are to be in need.
More people are seeking emergency housing support from homelessness services. And, as the report acknowledges, more are being turned away.
The commission declares 鈥渉omelessness is a result of not being able to afford housing鈥 and governments must 鈥渁ddress the structural factors that lead to housing unaffordability鈥. As experts in housing policy, economics and urban planning, we agree. Far-reaching reform is long overdue.
The report concludes, for example, that first home-buyer grants and stamp duty concessions are counterproductive and push up prices. It advocates spending these billions on preventing homelessness instead.
The report endorses a 鈥溾 approach to tackling homelessness 鈥 this means housing people unconditionally as the first priority before dealing with their other needs. The report also calls for early intervention programs for 鈥渁t risk鈥 cohorts, such as people leaving hospitals, prisons or out-of-home care.
The review鈥檚 terms of reference, set by the previous government in 2021, meant the commission did not consider how easy credit, negative gearing and the capital gains tax discount drive real estate speculation, inflate prices and lead to inefficient use of housing and land. Coupled with the commission鈥檚 embedded faith in market forces, these omissions , especially on social housing.
Instead of more public investment to provide more social housing, the commission urges Canberra to convert its $1.4 billion-a-year support for social housing running costs through the national agreement into Commonwealth Rent Assistance. It wants to up-end the current system by replacing income-based rents with market rents across social housing.
But most of these renters would be much worse off unless there is a large rent assistance increase across the board. Recognising this, the commission advocates a top-up payment 鈥渢o ensure housing is affordable and tenancies can be sustained鈥. Without estimating the cost, it optimistically suggests the states should pick up the tab.
The commission argues this approach would be more equitable for social and private renters. The implicit subsidy from capping social housing tenants鈥 rents at 25% of income typically exceeds the rent assistance paid to private tenants. Yet reducing social housing tenants to the same level of precarity as private renters seems an odd way to eliminate unfairness.
Enabling low-income Australians to secure decent private rental homes would require a dramatic rise in rent assistance payments, perhaps even to a level equating to the implicit subsidy social housing tenants receive.
The commission has neglected the broader benefits of social housing investment that delivers good-quality, well-managed homes that low-income earners can afford.
Decades of mounting rent assistance expenditure have failed to fill the gap created by the lack of a sustained national program of social housing construction since the 1990s. shows the shortfall in private dwellings affordable to low-income renters ballooned from 48,000 in 1996 to 212,00 in 2016.
Simple comparisons between the costs of rent assistance and building affordable homes also ignore the wider community benefits of social housing. recently found the return on social housing investment is 鈥渃omparable to, or better than鈥 major infrastructure projects. And estimates the 鈥渓arge, but avoidable, annual social and economic costs鈥 of the affordable housing shortage will top $1 billion a year by 2036.
Underlying much of the commission鈥檚 thinking is the idea that the main cause of unaffordable housing is outdated land-use planning rules that restrict new housing supply.
This contention ignores , including higher-density housing near transport and town centres, simplified rules and accelerated decision-making.
The commission estimates a 1% increase in overall housing supply (implicitly achievable through planning deregulation) could deflate rents by 2.5%. But what makes this scenario implausible is the development industry鈥檚 time-honoured 鈥 but entirely rational 鈥 practice of to keep prices buoyant. Even if planning relaxation could enable ramped-up construction, it鈥檚 hard to imagine that being sustained in the face of any resulting market cooling.
However, the commission argues all private real estate development, regardless of cost, will eventually trickle through to those in need. As properties are traded over time, pricier homes will 鈥渇ilter down鈥 through the market at progressively lower rents.
This view defies that many factors other than planning have profound impacts on housing costs and supply. strongly suggests 鈥渇iltering鈥 alone will not make homes affordable for lower-income earners.
None of this is to deny that the planning system could be improved. But if solving housing unaffordability were simply a case of 鈥渦nleashing planning reforms鈥, other countries would have managed it long ago.
Australians struggling to pay the rent, or even find a home, deserve a much better response from Australia鈥檚 premier economic policy agency, and one that actually reflects the dynamics of the housing system.
, Professor of Housing Research and Policy, and Associate Director, City Futures Research Centre, ; , Professor, City Futures Research Centre, Faculty of the Built Environment, ; , Professor of Property and Housing Economics, ; , Professor of Urban and Regional Planning, ; , Lead Moderator, Cranlana Centre for Ethical Leadership, ; , Director, Henry Halloran Trust, , and , Honorary Professor 鈥 Housing Policy and Practice, City Futures Research Centre,
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